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Each trend line follows one measure over time. Where other surveys asked comparable questions, they appear as separate lines on the same chart, with answer scales collapsed into shared categories and differences in wording or mode noted.
74 trend lines were built and checked by hand. The other 224, marked AI-matched, were grouped and mapped by an AI model and checked by a second AI review, not by a person; each one lists its questions and how their answers were combined.
How often people trust the government in Washington to do what is right. ANES has asked since 1958; its cumulative file stops in 2012 because later studies changed the answer scale (adding 'about half the time'). Pew's compilation of many pollsters carries the series to 2025.
How much trust respondents have in the federal government in Washington to handle the nation's problems, asked in the CES in 2022 and 2024 with the same four-point scale.
Confidence in the people running Congress: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running banks and financial institutions: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running education: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running major companies: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running medicine: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running organized labor: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running organized religion: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running television: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running the Supreme Court: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running the executive branch of the federal government: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running the military: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running the press: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in the people running the scientific community: a great deal, only some, or hardly any (GSS, since 1973).
Confidence in organized religion or in churches and religious organizations; the scales differ (7-point and 5-point).
Confidence in schools and the educational system (GSS) or in public schools to do what is right (CPS); the GSS scale has five points, including 'complete confidence', and the CPS scale has four.
Agreement that one's own doctor is a real expert; the 2002 variant uses 'agree somewhat' wording rather than plain agree.
Agreement that one would trust one's doctor to tell about a treatment mistake; the 2002 variant uses 'agree somewhat' wording.
Personal trust in business and industry or in major private companies on a 0-10 scale; the target wording differs slightly between 2018 and 2021.
Personal trust in the U.S. Congress on a 0-10 scale, asked in 2021 and 2024 with slightly different intros.
Whether the government is pretty much run by a few big interests looking out for themselves, or for the benefit of all.
Agreement that people like the respondent don't have any say about what the government does.
Agreement that public officials don't care much what people like the respondent think.
Whether people like the respondent can influence local government, asked as how much influence they can have over local government decisions (1987) and as how likely they would be to get the local government to make a community improvement (2002); the wordings differ, so comparability is loose.
Agreement that one has a pretty good understanding of the important political issues facing the country, from two GSS agree-disagree batteries with nearly identical wording.
Agreement that most people are better informed about politics than the respondent, asked under two GSS variable names with near-identical wording.
GSS 5-point scale: 1 = government should do more to solve the country's problems, 5 = it is doing too many things.
GSS 5-point scale: 1 = government should take action to improve the standard of living of all poor Americans, 5 = people should take care of themselves.
Whether the federal government has too much power; ANES asks only people with an opinion to choose 'too powerful' or 'not getting too strong,' while the GSS uses a five-point too much/too little scale with an 'about right' middle.
ANES respondents' own position on whether the government in Washington should see to it that every person has a job and a good standard of living, on the 7-point scale (1972–2024) and an earlier two-sided version with no middle option (1956–1968 and 2002); in 1956–1960 that version was a jobs-only agree/disagree statement, so its 1960-to-1964 fall reflects the wording change, not a shift in opinion.
GSS items on whether government should or should not provide jobs for everyone who wants one; one uses a responsibility scale and the other agree/disagree wording.
Which of four national goals respondents pick as the second priority, asked in ANES (1972-1992) and in the GSS (1993-2021) with the same four options.
Which of four national goals respondents pick as the first priority, asked in ANES (1972-1992) and in the GSS (1993-2021) with the same four options.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on assistance for childcare (GSS, since 1973). The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on assistance to the poor (GSS, since 1973). The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on dealing with drug addiction (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on developing alternative energy sources (GSS, since 1973).
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on foreign aid (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on halting the rising crime rate (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on highways and bridges (GSS, since 1973).
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on improving and protecting the environment (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on improving and protecting the nation's health (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on improving the conditions of Black Americans (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on improving the nation's education system (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on mass transportation (GSS, since 1973).
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on parks and recreation (GSS, since 1973).
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on social Security (GSS, since 1973). The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on solving the problems of big cities (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on supporting scientific research (GSS, since 1973).
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on the military, armaments, and defense (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on the space exploration program (GSS, since 1973). A second GSS line uses the split-ballot alternate wording. The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
Whether the country spends too much, too little, or about the right amount on welfare (GSS, since 1973). The ANES line asks whether federal spending should be increased, kept the same, or decreased.
GSS items on whether government spending on education should rise or fall, or is too little or too much, across the standard battery and the 1984 alternate wording; the scales differ and need collapsing.
GSS items on government spending on health, in the standard more/less battery and the 1984 too little/too much alternate wording; the scales differ and need collapsing.
Preferred government spending on the environment, from the ISSP more-or-less item (1985–2016), which reminds respondents that 'much more' might require a tax increase, and the 1984 GSS too little/about right/too much item; the formats differ, so compare trends within each line rather than levels across them.
Respondent's preference to increase or decrease defense spending, asked on a 7-point scale (ANES, GSS 1980), a 5-point more/less scale (GSS), and a 3-point too little/about right/too much scale (GSS 1984); the scales need collapsing to increase versus decrease to compare.
Preferred change in state spending on education, asked with the same five-point scale in the 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 CES.
Preferred change in state spending on health care, asked with the same five-point scale in the 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 CES.
Preferred change in state spending on law enforcement, asked with the same five-point scale in the 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 CES.
Preferred change in state spending on transportation and infrastructure, asked with the same five-point scale in the 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 CES.
Preferred change in state spending on welfare, asked with the same five-point scale in the 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 CES.
Support for the proposal to spend $150 billion a year for 8 years on roads, bridges, rail, transit, airports, water systems, and broadband, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES.
Whether respondents approve of the way the U.S. Congress is handling its job; ANES uses a binary approve/disapprove scale while CES uses a four-point strength scale, which can be collapsed to approve/disapprove.
Whether respondents approve of the way the U.S. Supreme Court is doing its job, asked in CES with a four-point strength scale across several years.
Whether respondents approve of the way their state legislature is doing its job, asked in CES with a four-point strength scale.
How committed government administrators or the public service are to serving the people; the 2004 and 2014 items refer to administrators and the 2024 item refers to the public service.
Respondents rate the U.S. Supreme Court on a seven-point liberal to conservative scale; asked in separate CES waves (2018, 2022, 2024) with the same wording and scale.
Support or opposition to confirming Brett Kavanaugh, asked in the 2018 and 2020 CES with slightly different framing (a hypothetical congressional vote versus a retrospective proposal).
Whether the nation's economy has gotten better, stayed the same, or gotten worse over the past year.
Prospective expectation of whether the national economy will get better, stay the same, or get worse over the next year, on a three-point scale.
SHED: whether the respondent is living comfortably or doing okay financially, versus just getting by or finding it difficult.
Whether people expect their household to be better off, the same, or worse off financially 12 months from now.
Whether the respondent's household is better off, worse off, or the same financially compared with a year ago.
Whether the respondent is pretty well satisfied, more or less satisfied, or not satisfied at all with their family's finances (GSS).
SHED: share who would pay a hypothetical $400 emergency expense entirely with cash, savings, or a credit card paid off at the next statement.
Self-assessed change in the household's financial situation compared with 12 months earlier, collapsed from five-point better-to-worse scales in SHED (2014-2025) and the 2022 GSS.
Among workers: how easy it would be to find a job with about the same income and fringe benefits (GSS).
Among workers: how likely it is that they will lose their job or be laid off in the next 12 months (GSS).
Whether people at work can be relied on when someone needs help, on the same true/not true scale.
Whether people who lost work, were laid off, or were told not to work in 2020 expected to return to the same employer, from the SHED's April, July, and November 2020 surveys.
Whether people expect to spend more, the same, or less time on side jobs six months from now, asked in 2016 and 2017.
Whether people expect more, the same, or less unemployment over the coming 12 months, with the same question asked by ANES and Michigan.
How important it is that a job is useful to society, on a 5-point scale in later years and a 7-point scale in 1982.
How important good opportunities for advancement or promotion are in a job, from the GSS's five-point item (1989-2016) and a 1991 four-point item asking workers how important the opportunity to be promoted is to them.
How important an interesting job is, on a 5-point scale in later years and a 7-point scale in 1982.
How important it is that a job has flexible hours or lets people set their own work times; the wording is similar but not identical.
How important job security is in a job, on a 5-point scale in later years and a 7-point scale in 1982.
Among SHED respondents who expressed some lack of confidence in their job skills, the share who agree that the job market is changing faster than they can keep up with, asked in 2013 and 2015.
How likely workers say they would be to look for another job or leave if their employer kept their pay the same for a year or cut it by 1, 5, or 10 percent; each respondent gets one randomly assigned scenario, and the chart pools all of them.
Agreement that the respondent's main satisfaction in life comes from work, with identical wording and scales in GSS and CPS.
Among respondents who expressed some lack of confidence in their job skills, the share selecting 'I need more job training' from a check-all list, in the 2013 and 2015 SHED.
Whether the respondent would prefer to work more hours for more money, the same, or fewer hours for less money; the GSS and SHED wordings differ slightly.
Rating of relations between coworkers or colleagues in the respondent's workplace on a very good to very bad scale.
Extent to which money from occasional paid work or side jobs was a regular income source in the past year, asked in 2016 and 2017.
Extent to which money from occasional paid work or side jobs was a significant income source in the past year, asked in 2016 and 2017.
Extent to which side jobs helped offset unemployment, lost hours, lost benefits, or frozen wages, asked in 2016 and 2017.
Agreement that the respondent's skills are out of date because they have not been using them, a checklist item asked in the 2013 and 2015 SHED only of respondents who said they lacked confidence that they have the skills for the jobs they want.
Agreement that the kind of job the respondent is qualified for is not available, a checklist item asked in the 2013 and 2015 SHED only of respondents who said they lacked confidence that they have the skills for the jobs they want.
Whether workers not employed full-time at a job say they want a full-time job; SHED wording varies slightly across years (past tense in 2017-2018, present tense in 2019).
Agreement that the respondent is willing to work harder than required to help their organization succeed; the 1991 scale lacks a neutral midpoint.
Agreement that, given the chance, the respondent would change their present type of work for something different.
Agreement that the respondent would enjoy having a job even without needing the money; the 1988 wording is slightly shorter.
Agreement that the respondent would turn down a better-paying job to stay with their organization, among those who agreed or disagreed; 1991 offered no neutral option, and later years say 'quite a bit more pay.'
When the respondent's children are the respondent's age, will their standard of living be better, the same, or worse (GSS; asked of parents).
Self-rated family income relative to other American families (GSS).
GSS 7-point scale: 1 = government ought to reduce income differences between rich and poor, 7 = it should not concern itself.
Whether people get ahead by their own hard work, lucky breaks or help from others, or both equally (GSS).
Agreement that what a person achieves in life depends largely on family background; the 1984 item also asserts that there are still great differences between social levels and offers no neutral option, while the 1985 item has a neutral midpoint, so their levels are not directly comparable.
Agreement that one of the big problems in this country is that we don't give everyone an equal chance; the GSS uses a four-point scale and ANES uses a five-point scale.
Agreement that no one would study for years to become a lawyer or doctor unless they expected to earn much more than ordinary workers; the 1990 version has no neutral option, so neutral answers in 1987 and 2000 are excluded.
How important how well a person does the job should be in deciding pay; the 1998 item asks about pay for two people doing the same kind of work, while 2000 and 2021 ask how much people ought to earn in general.
Agreement that large differences in income are needed as an incentive for people to work or achieve; the wording differs slightly between the 1984 and 1990 GSS items.
Whether respondents think they are better or worse off than their parents were at the same age; the GSS asks about standard of living and SHED asks about financial situation.
Whether the federal income tax the respondent pays is too high, about right, or too low (GSS).
Whether people with high incomes should pay a larger, the same, or a smaller share of their income in taxes; GSS wording differs slightly between the progtax and taxshare versions, but both use a five-point scale from much more to much less.
Confidence in the people running organized labor (GSS).
Agreement that workers need strong trade unions to protect their interests, from three GSS items: two asked of all adults with a neutral option (1989, 2016, and 2021) and one in a battery about the respondent's main job, asked only of employed people without a neutral option (2002 to 2022).
Self-assessed confidence or comfort in making investment decisions in one's retirement accounts, on a four-point scale; the wording shifts between 'confident' and 'comfortable'.
How likely respondents are to apply for Social Security, SSI, or Medicare benefits; one version asks about the next 12 months and the other about 2021.
How confident households are that they can make their next rent or mortgage payment on time; the same question was asked under two Census Pulse variable names with slightly different labels.
Expected change in prices of homes in the respondent's neighborhood or community over the next year; SHED uses magnitude scales, Michigan uses direction categories or a recoded numeric expectation.
Whether homeowners think their home's value is higher, lower, or about the same as 12 months earlier, from Michigan's Surveys of Consumers (3-point scale) and SHED 2014 (3-point) and 2015 (5-point scale collapsed to three).
How likely it is that the household will have to leave its home because of eviction within two months, across two Census Pulse variable versions.
How likely households that are behind on their mortgage payments think it is that they will have to leave their home because of foreclosure within the next two months, across two Census Pulse variable versions.
Owners citing not liking to move as a reason for owning rather than renting, across SHED versions.
Owners citing a simple preference for owning as a reason for owning rather than renting, across SHED versions.
Owners citing certainty about monthly payments as a reason for owning rather than renting, across SHED versions.
Owners citing fewer rules and the freedom to customize as a reason for owning rather than renting, across SHED versions.
Owners citing building equity through payments as a reason for owning rather than renting, across SHED versions.
Satisfaction with the cost of one's housing in the SHED, among people who said they were satisfied or dissatisfied; 2019 offered only those two answers, so neutral answers in 2017 and 2018 are excluded.
Satisfaction with the quality of other neighborhood amenities in SHED, from a five-point satisfied-dissatisfied scale in 2017 and 2018 (neutral answers left out) and a two-way satisfied-or-dissatisfied choice in 2019.
Satisfaction with the overall quality of the respondent's neighborhood in SHED; 2017, 2018, 2023, and 2024 use a five-point scale with a neutral midpoint, while 2019 offered only satisfied or dissatisfied, so its shares have no neutral group.
Satisfaction with the overall quality of the respondent's housing in SHED, on a five-point satisfied-to-dissatisfied scale in 2017 and 2018 and a two-way satisfied-or-dissatisfied choice in 2019.
Whether people think it is harder or easier to obtain credit or loans than 12 months ago (NY Fed SCE).
Asks how confident the respondent is that a credit card application would be approved, using the same wording and scale across SHED variable names for 2013-2015, 2016, and 2017-2025.
Respondents rate their own credit score (SHED) or credit record (GSS) on a poor-to-excellent scale; the wording differs slightly (score versus record), and the SHED version asks respondents to guess.
Whether America benefits from membership in NAFTA (2004 and 2014) or its successor, USMCA (2024), on a five-point scale collapsed to any benefit versus no benefit at all.
Support for limiting foreign imports to protect the American economy or jobs; GSS uses an agree/disagree scale and ANES uses favor/oppose with a consumer-price counterargument, so wording differs.
Support for proposed tariffs on goods imported from China; the dollar amounts of covered goods differ between the 2018 and 2020 versions.
Support for withdrawing the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership trade agreement, asked in the 2018 and 2020 CES with slightly different introductions.
Respondents rate Donald Trump from very liberal to very conservative in CES surveys from 2018 to 2024.
Respondents rate Joe Biden from very liberal to very conservative in CES surveys from 2020 to 2024.
Respondents place the Democratic Party on a 7-point liberal-to-conservative scale (ANES 1972-2024, CES 2018-2024); CES wording is 'very liberal' to 'very conservative' and the ANES scale is labeled slightly differently.
Respondents place the Republican Party on a 7-point liberal-to-conservative scale (ANES 1972-2024, CES 2018-2024); CES wording is 'very liberal' to 'very conservative' and the ANES scale is labeled slightly differently.
How interested the respondent has been in this year's political campaigns, on the same three-point scale in ANES and the 2024 GSS; the GSS began fieldwork in April, months before ANES's fall interviews, which likely explains its lower 2024 level.
Self-rated general interest in politics, asked by the GSS with a five-point scale (polint), a four-point scale (polint1), and a four-point variant that adds 'national affairs' in 1987 (intpol); the scales differ, so compare the share very interested rather than full distributions.
Whether it should be possible for a pregnant woman to obtain a legal abortion if she wants it for any reason (GSS).
ANES's four-position item, from never permitted to always permitted as a matter of personal choice.
CES support or opposition to always allowing a woman to obtain an abortion as a matter of choice, with essentially identical wording in 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 (the 2024 version adds 'the right to').
CES support or opposition to banning abortions after the 20th week, asked in 2018, 2020, and 2022.
CES support or opposition to allowing employers to decline coverage of abortions in insurance plans, asked in 2018, 2020, and 2022.
CES support or opposition to making abortions illegal in all circumstances, asked with the same wording in four CES waves.
CES support or opposition to permitting abortion only in cases of rape, incest, or danger to the woman's life, asked with the same wording in four CES waves.
CES support or opposition to prohibiting the expenditure of federally authorized or appropriated funds for any abortion, asked in 2018, 2020, and 2022.
CES support or opposition to a congressional proposal to prohibit government restrictions on the provision of, and access to, abortion services (2022 and 2024).
GSS question on whether the respondent would want an abortion if a test shows the baby has a serious genetic defect, asked in 1990-2004 and again in 2018 with slightly revised wording.
Whether the respondent has a gun or revolver in their home or garage (GSS).
Whether people favor or oppose a law requiring a police permit before buying a gun (GSS).
Support for requiring criminal background checks on all gun sales, including private sales; the GSS 2006 item asks specifically about private sales on a five-point scale, so its neutral answers are excluded to match the CES's support/oppose format.
Support for banning assault rifles in CES 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024; the 2018 wording uses for/against, while later waves use support/oppose.
Support for making it easier for people to obtain a concealed-carry permit, asked in CES 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 with for/against or support/oppose wording.
Support for prohibiting state and local governments from publishing the names and addresses of all gun owners, asked in the CES in 2020 and 2022 with the same wording.
Whether people favor or oppose the death penalty for persons convicted of murder (GSS).
Whether respondents favor or oppose the death penalty for persons convicted of murder, combining the early GSS version (1972-1973) with the ANES series; the wording is nearly identical, but the surveys differ in mode and context.
Whether sexual relations between two adults of the same sex are always wrong, almost always wrong, wrong only sometimes, or not wrong at all (GSS).
Support for or opposition to banning transgender people from military service, with slightly different framings (Trump order in 2018 versus a general decision in 2020).
Whether a person against all churches and religion should be allowed to make a speech in the community (GSS).
Whether religious extremists should be allowed to hold public meetings; one item gives a fuller definition of extremists, and both use a four-point scale.
Whether the American government should have the right to monitor emails and other internet information; the 2024 wording adds social media content.
Agreement that over the past few years Blacks have gotten less than they deserve, on a five-point agree/disagree scale.
Agreement that if Blacks would only try harder they could be just as well off as whites, on a five-point agree/disagree scale.
Support for busing children to achieve school integration; the ANES uses a seven-point scale and the GSS a favor/oppose question, so the two are only roughly comparable.
Whether Blacks have too much, about the right amount, or too little influence, from ANES; the 1972 to 2000 version asks about 'American life and politics', and the 2008 to 2020 version asks about 'American politics' only.
Respondent's own position on a seven-point scale between government effort to improve the position of Blacks and minorities and minorities helping themselves; the 1980 GSS item has an added 'haven't thought much' option.
Agreement that racial problems in the U.S. are rare, isolated situations, asked in the CES in 2018 and 2020 through 2024.
Seven-point scale rating Asian Americans from hard-working to lazy, in the GSS and the ANES.
Seven-point scale rating Black people from hard-working to lazy, in the GSS and the ANES.
Seven-point scale rating Hispanic Americans from hard-working to lazy, in the GSS and the ANES.
Seven-point rating of White people from hard-working to lazy in the GSS and the ANES; GSS respondents choose the middle of the scale more often, so the GSS hard-working share runs consistently below the ANES.
Agreement with resenting when Whites deny that racial discrimination exists, asked in the CES in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Agreement that generations of slavery and discrimination created conditions that make it difficult for Blacks to work their way out of the lower class; the ANES wording is slightly different in some years.
Agreement that White people in the U.S. have certain advantages because of the color of their skin, asked in the CES in 2018 and 2020 through 2024.
Agreement that Whites do not go to great lengths to understand the problems African Americans face, asked in the CES in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Agreement that Whites get away with offenses that African Americans would never get away with, asked in the CES in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Support for printing election ballots in other languages where many people do not speak English; the 1994 item is a binary choice and the 2000 item is an agreement scale.
Agreement that immigrants make America more open to new ideas and cultures, or improve American society by bringing them, from GSS five-point agree/disagree items in 1996, 2004, 2014, and 2024.
Preferred level of immigration from Asia, asked with a five-point scale and a three-point scale that can be collapsed to increase/same/decrease.
Preferred level of immigration from Latin America, asked with a five-point scale and a three-point scale that can be collapsed to increase/same/decrease.
Support for increasing the number of border patrol agents on the U.S.-Mexico border, asked identically in the CES across years.
Support for increasing spending on border security by $25 billion, including building a wall between the U.S. and Mexico, asked in the CES in 2018, 2020, and 2022 with the same wording.
Support for legal status or permanent residency for children brought to the U.S. by their immigrant parents, with slightly different wording across CES years.
Support for granting legal status to illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for several years, asked in the CES across years.
Support for reducing legal immigration, mostly by 50 percent over ten years through eliminating the visa lottery and ending family-based migration, across CES years; the 2018 version does not include the 50 percent figure.
Support for withholding federal funds from local police who do not report illegal immigrants to the federal government, in the CES 2018 and 2020.
Whether it is better for racial and ethnic groups to maintain their distinct cultures or blend into the larger society; the 1994 and 2000 GSS used a seven-point scale with a middle option and 1996-2014 a forced two-way choice, so levels differ by format and are not directly comparable.
Favor or oppose a law making English the official language of the United States, among people who took a side; the 1994 wording adds that government business would be conducted in English only and also offered a neutral option, which is left out here.
How proud respondents are to be American; the 1994 item uses an extremely/very/somewhat/not very scale and the 2004-2014 item uses a very/somewhat/not very/not at all scale, so compare only collapsed proud versus not proud shares.
Agreement that it is much better for everyone if the man is the achiever outside the home and the woman takes care of the home and family (GSS).
Agreement that most men are better suited emotionally for politics than are most women (GSS).
Agreement that a man's job is to earn money and a woman's job is to look after the home and family; the wording varies slightly between versions.
Whether people approve or disapprove of the Supreme Court ruling that no state or local government may require the reading of the Lord's Prayer or Bible verses in public schools (GSS).
Multi-option questions on what the law should allow for prayer in public schools, covering required prayer, silent prayer or meditation, and no prayer; the wording and the number of options differ between the GSS and ANES versions.
Support or opposition to letting states import prescription drugs from other countries, in CES 2020 and 2022.
The same GSS statement about doubting the doctor cares about the patient, asked with different response scales (a 5-point agree scale versus an agree-somewhat variant) in 1998-2006.
Support or opposition to Medicare for all or a single comprehensive public plan, in CES 2018, 2020, and 2022; the 2018 wording is shorter and omits the single-plan description.
Support or opposition to letting the government negotiate lower prescription drug prices with drug companies, in CES 2020 and 2022.
Support or opposition to repealing the whole Affordable Care Act, asked in CES in 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 with comparable support/oppose wording.
Whether adults who had not yet received a COVID-19 vaccine planned to get one, in the Census Household Pulse; the unvaccinated pool shrank and grew more hesitant through 2021, and from April 2021 the question adds an 'unsure' option.
Whether parents or guardians of unvaccinated 12-to-17-year-olds plan to get them a COVID-19 vaccine, from Census Pulse in mid-2021 and its age-specific 12-to-17 item in 2022 and 2023.
Parents or guardians hesitant about vaccinating the children in their household against COVID-19 who cite concern about side effects; the earlier item first covered children ages 5 to 17 and widened to all ages in mid-2022, matching the later item.
Among parents or guardians not certain to vaccinate the children in their household against COVID-19, the share citing that the children's doctor has not recommended it, from Census Pulse select-all items asked from December 2021 through May 2023 (original and revised versions).
Parents hesitant about vaccinating their children against COVID-19 who say they don't believe children need the vaccine, from two Census Pulse versions about children of any age (December 2021 to 2023).
Among parents or guardians hesitant to vaccinate the children in their household against COVID-19, the share citing distrust of COVID-19 vaccines as a reason; both versions ask about children of any age.
Parents or guardians hesitant about vaccinating the children in their household against COVID-19 who cite not trusting the government; the earlier item first covered children ages 5 to 17 and widened to all ages in mid-2022, matching the later item.
Parents hesitant to vaccinate their children against COVID-19 who cite that their household does not vaccinate children in general, from the Census Household Pulse's original (late 2021 to 2022) and revised (2022 to 2023) reason lists.
Parents hesitant about vaccinating their children against COVID-19 who say the children are not in a high-risk group, from Census Pulse's original (late 2021-2022) and revised (2022-2023) reason lists, which covered children of all eligible ages.
Among parents or guardians hesitant to vaccinate the children in their household against COVID-19, the share citing uncertainty that the vaccine will work for children; both versions ask about children of any age.
Among parents or guardians not certain to vaccinate the children in their household against COVID-19, the share who plan to wait and see if it is safe, from Census Pulse select-all items asked from December 2021 through May 2023 (original and revised versions).
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and cite cost as a reason, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and cite possible side effects, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and say their doctor has not recommended it, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and say they do not believe they need it, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and say they do not trust it, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and say they do not trust the government, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and are unsure it will work or protect them; the wording changed slightly from 'work' to 'protect me'.
Adults who are hesitant about the COVID-19 vaccine and plan to wait and see if it is safe, from the original and revised Census Pulse reason items.
Whether parents of a child like the vignette child should be forced by law to give the child prescription medication to control behavior (yes/no), asked in 2002 and 2024.
Agreement that medication prescribed for emotional or mental health problems helps control symptoms; the 2002 item uses a four-point scale and the 1998–2006 item uses a five-point scale with a neutral option.
Support for letting individuals or families sue police officers for damages; the 2022 wording adds a 'recklessly disregarded rights' standard, so levels may differ slightly from 2020.
Support for banning the use of choke holds by police, asked identically in the 2020 and 2022 CES.
Support for decreasing the number of police on the street by 10 percent and increasing funding for other public services, asked in the CES in 2020, 2022, and 2024 with the same wording; the 2024 item sat in the gun regulation battery.
Support for ending the Defense Department program that sends surplus military equipment to police, asked identically in 2020 and 2022.
Support for increasing the number of police on the street by 10 percent, even if it means fewer funds for other public services; the 2024 item was asked within a gun regulation battery.
Support for creating a national registry of police officers investigated for misconduct; the 2022 wording adds 'or disciplined for'.
Support for requiring police officers to wear body cameras that record all of their on-duty activities, asked identically in 2020 and 2022.
How safe the police make the respondent feel, asked identically in the 2020 and 2022 CES.
Whether courts in the respondent's area deal too harshly or not harshly enough with criminals (GSS).
Support or opposition to eliminating mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenders, asked by CES in 2020 and 2022 with nearly identical wording.
Appropriate punishment, on a six-point scale from reprimand to life in prison, for a government official or employee who leaks sensitive information to the press; 1998 and 2000 wordings differ somewhat in the scenario description.
Appropriate punishment, on a six-point scale from reprimand to life in prison, for a government employee or service member who sells secrets to a friendly government; 1998 and 2000 wordings differ somewhat in the scenario description.
Appropriate punishment, on a six-point scale from reprimand to life in prison, for a government employee or service member who sells secrets to a hostile government; 1998 and 2000 wordings differ somewhat in the scenario description.
Appropriate punishment, on a six-point scale from reprimand to life in prison, for a government employee stealing and selling truck parts and tires; 1998 and 2000 wordings differ somewhat.
Appropriate punishment, on a six-point scale from reprimand to life in prison, for a soldier stealing and selling military weapons, ammunition, or airplane parts; 1998 and 2000 wordings differ somewhat.
Share selecting none of the listed purposes for approving use of U.S. military troops, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to assist the spread of democracy, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to destroy a terrorist camp, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to ensure the supply of oil, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to help the United Nations uphold international law, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to intervene in a region with genocide or civil war, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Share approving use of U.S. military troops to protect American allies under attack by foreign nations, from the CES check-all-that-apply item asked in 2020, 2022, and 2024.
Selected the option that the United States should not get involved in Russia's invasion of Ukraine, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES with slightly different question wording and option lists.
Selected the option that the United States should provide arms to Ukraine, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES with slightly different question wording and option lists.
Selected the option that the United States should send food, medicine, and other aid in response to the Ukraine war, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES.
Selected the option that the United States should send non-combat military support staff to Ukraine, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES.
Selected the option that the United States should send significant force to fight Russia over Ukraine, asked in the 2022 and 2024 CES.
Whether the U.S. should engage with the world or stay out of it, from GSS (active part vs. stay out) and ANES (better off unconcerned with the rest of the world, agree/disagree); wording and answer scales differ, so levels are not directly comparable.
Support or opposition to the U.S. withdrawing from the Iran nuclear accord, asked in the 2018 and 2020 CES with the same support/oppose scale; the 2018 item adds reimposing sanctions.
Rating of how dangerous pesticides and chemicals used in farming are for the environment in general, GSS 1993-2018 and the 2021 re-ask under a new variable name.
Rating of how dangerous pollution of America's rivers, lakes, and streams is in general, GSS 1993-2018 and the 2021 re-ask under a new variable name.
Support or opposition to giving the Environmental Protection Agency power to regulate carbon dioxide emissions, asked in the CES in 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 with a support/oppose scale; the 2022 item carries a different lead-in about climate change.
Support or opposition to US withdrawal from, or rejoining of, the Paris Climate Agreement; the direction of the wording differs between items (withdraw in 2018 and 2020, rejoin in 2022), so the series should be read with the reversal in mind.
Support or opposition to repealing the Clean Power Plan power plant emission rules, asked in CES 2018 and 2020.
Support or opposition to strengthening EPA enforcement of the Clean Air Act and Clean Water Act even if it costs U.S. jobs, asked in the CES in 2018, 2020, 2022, and 2024 with the same wording.
Whether America is doing more than enough, about the right amount, or too little to protect the world environment, GSS 2000 and 2010 under different variable names.
Perceived danger of nuclear power stations in general, asked by the GSS in 1993-2018 under one variable name and again in 2021 under a new one, with the same five-point scale.
Support for increasing U.S. fossil fuel production; the 2022 item also includes boosting liquefied natural gas exports, so it is not an exact match.
Support for requiring more fuel-efficient cars and trucks; the CES items (2020 and 2022) name a specific target of raising average fuel efficiency from 40 to 54.5 miles per gallon by 2025 on a binary support/oppose scale, while the GSS items (2006 and 2010) ask generally about requiring cars that use less gasoline on a five-point scale.
GSS question with identical wording and scale asking about requiring car makers to build vehicles that use less gasoline, asked in 2006 and 2010.
Support for requiring each state to use a minimum amount of renewable fuels (wind, solar, and hydroelectric) to generate electricity, even if electricity prices rise, asked in the CES in 2018, 2020, and 2022.
How dangerous modifying the genes of certain crops is, asked under a new variable name in 2021 with slightly different wording.
Agreement that science makes our way of life change too fast; the 1988 item is agree/disagree and the 2006-2022 item uses a four-point agreement scale, so they can only be compared after collapsing.
Whether the respondent would have a test for serious genetic defects during pregnancy, asked in 1990-2004 and again in 2018 under a new variable name.
Taken all together, whether people say they are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy (GSS).
In general, whether life is exciting, pretty routine, or dull (GSS).
Agreement with expecting more good things than bad to happen to oneself, among people who agreed or disagreed; the 2004 version has no neutral option, so neutral answers to the 2016 five-point version are left out.
Agreement with 'I hardly ever expect things to go my way,' among those who agreed or disagreed; the 2004 version has no neutral option, so neutral answers in 2016 are excluded.
Agreement that the respondent is always optimistic about their future; the 2004 version uses a 4-point scale and the 2016 version uses a 5-point scale with a neutral midpoint.
Agreement with rarely counting on good things happening to the respondent; the 2004 version uses a 4-point scale and the 2016 version uses a 5-point scale with a neutral midpoint.
Whether most people can be trusted or you can't be too careful in dealing with people. GSS respondents sometimes volunteer 'depends', which is left out of the base.
Whether most people would try to take advantage of you if they got a chance, or would try to be fair (GSS).
Whether people mostly try to be helpful or are mostly just looking out for themselves (GSS).
Agreement with the statement that there are only a few people the respondent can trust completely, asked on the same five-point agree-disagree scale in two GSS years.
Agreement with the statement that other people will take advantage of you if you are not careful, asked on the same five-point agree-disagree scale in two GSS years.
Self-rating as a trusting person, from a GSS four-point item in 1998 and a five-point agree-disagree personality item in 2006, so the scales differ.